Γράφει η Αναστασία Γιάνναρου
Introduction
European integration has largely been a defining process of modern European history (Sweeney, 2005). The European Union(EU) has evolved from the European Coal and Steel Community into a powerful supranational entity whose institutions now hold significant influence in areas that were once the exclusive domain of national governments(Sweeney, 2005). Over the past few decades, EU-level institutions have extended their authority into currency policy, border management, immigration, social policy, and more (Sorensen, 2005). As a result, a fundamental tension has emerged between integration and national sovereignty, raising important questions about the limits of shared governance, democratic accountability, and national identity(Sweeney, 2005).
It is in this context that the rise of nationalist political leaders takes on renewed significance. As McDonald and Dearden (1999) point out, critics of the European project often adopt a nationalist position. This trend has become especially alarming in recent years, as there is an evident shift towards the right across Europe(Green, 2024). For the past thirty years, far-right parties with populist, nationalist, and Eurosceptic agendas have been resurging, securing an influential presence in both European and national parliaments(Aktas, 2024). Radical right and populist parties rank among the top three political forces in nearly a third of EU countries, achieving major electoral successes in Austria, Italy, the Netherlands, Hungary, Poland, France, and Germany(Aktas, 2024).
Amid these developments, the case of Marine Le Pen in France stands out as particularly influential. The politician has expressed strong criticism of the EU and its effects on the nation-state’s sovereignty. This analysis explores her positions on European integration, focusing on how it impacts national sovereignty and democracy.
Le Pen and RN
Marine Le Pen is one of the most influential political figures in France and a central voice in Europe’s nationalist and Eurosceptic landscape. She began her political career in 1988 by joining the National Front, a party her father, Jean – Marie Le Pen, has founded in 1972 to unite the French far right (Ray, Marine Le Pen, 2025). When she took over the party’s leadership in 2011, she launched a strategic rebranding, renaming it Rassemblement National (RN) and seeking to soften its image by distancing it from its earlier associations with antisemitism. At the same time, she maintained its core anti – immigrant stance while emphasizing themes of French sovereignty and national identity. Since then, she has run for president three times, reaching the second – round run off in 2017 and 2022. Under her leadership, the RN has transformed into a dominant force on the French right.
Le Pen vs European Union
Le Pen’s radical positions on European integration have established the RN as one of the most EU-critical forces. More specifically, her party’s ideological stance toward the EU is characterized by a complex narrative: while the RN expresses support for the notion of a shared European civilisation in the abstract, it simultaneously rejects the concrete political project of the EU, portraying it as a threat to both that civilisation and its highest achievement -the nation-state (Lorimer, 2022).
The French politician frames the EU as a self-serving structure that has drifted away from the interests of European citizens, arguing that its institutions primarily serve elite or bureaucratic interests rather than representing the will of the people. Her criticism extends further, comparing the EU to a “European Soviet Union”-a body that overrides national decision-making, imposes policies, and undermines democratic sovereignty. As mentioned before, Le Pen’s opposition is not to Europe as a cultural or civilizational entity, but specifically to the EU as a political construction. “I want to destroy the EU, not Europe,” she once remarked in an interview, reaffirming her vision of a continent rooted in independent nation-states rather than being subject to supranational rule. In her rhetoric, the EU is described as a “harmful, anti-democratic monster”, a system she believes must be replaced with a new model grounded in patriotism, national identity, and popular sovereignty (Le Pen, 2014).
RN’s stance towards the EU rests on two key pillars: the defense of national sovereignty and the protection of national identity. First, it accuses Brussels of imposing supranational regulations that undermine the autonomy of member states, limiting their ability to act independently in areas such as law, borders, and the economy. Second, the EU is depicted as a facilitator of mass migration and globalisation, developments that the RN frames as existential threats to the cultural integrity and cohesion of the French nation(Lorimer, 2022).
Le Pen has consistently advocated for the restoration of full national sovereignty, arguing that France must regain control over its borders, economy, currency, and legal system. In her view, EU membership should not come at the expense of the French people’s authority over their territory and laws. Her rhetoric has long been characterized by its radicalism, particularly about EU membership, the Eurozone, the Schengen Agreement, and immigration. Over time, however, her rhetoric has been strategically moderated, while Le Pen presents this evolution as a form of strategic recalibration aimed at broadening the party’s electoral base while remaining firmly anchored to its core ideological(Krasikova, 2021).
During her early years as party leader, Le Pen voiced strong opposition to the direction of European integration, portraying the EU as a centralized, “undemocratic structure dominated by unelected elites” that served financial interests rather than citizens. She firmly rejected deeper integration, including measures such as EU budget oversight, the creation of a European Finance Minister, and the issuance of Eurobonds -policies she claimed would erode national sovereignty (Le Pen, 2011). Economically, she blamed the opening of borders for deindustrialization in working-class regions and advocated for “intelligent protectionism” to preserve national competitiveness (Le Pen, 2012). On immigration and cultural identity, she opposed the Anglo-Saxon model of integration, instead promoting assimilation as a necessary “sacrifice” to protect French traditions and social cohesion (Le Pen, 2012). Altogether, her early rhetoric combined economic nationalism, cultural protectionism, and a rejection of “more Europe”.
In 2014, her political platform was built on a categorical rejection of the EU in its current form, with Frexit as the centerpiece of the RN’s electoral campaign. A referendum on France’s EU membership was promised, with her resignation offered as a consequence if the French voted to remain. Her stance on the Eurozone was similarly uncompromising, advocating for a return to the franc and accusing the euro of undermining French economic competitiveness(Krasikova, 2021). In an interview, she declared: “A strong euro is ruining our economy. It was created by Germany, for Germany”(Le Pen, 2014). On immigration, Le Pen called for the re-establishment of national borders and withdrawal from the Schengen Area, linking open borders to security threats and cultural destabilization. Her economic program emphasized “intelligent protectionism”, opposing free-market globalization and calling for stricter control of the single market to defend national industries and employment(Krasikova, 2021). Criticism of EU institutions was sharp, with the European Commission condemned as illegitimate and overreaching. Across these domains, Le Pen’s rhetoric combined sovereignty-first nationalism with economic and cultural protectionism.
“France first”
Le Pen’s 2017 presidential campaign reaffirmed her long-standing nationalist and Eurosceptic positions, even as she attempted to broaden her appeal. Central to her platform was the idea of “France first”, with strong opposition to “rampant globalisation”. Her promises remained largely the same: to restore national sovereignty by withdrawing from the Schengen Area, holding a referendum on EU membership, and returning to the franc. Her positions on immigration remained firm: she advocated cutting legal immigration, prioritizing French citizens in employment and housing, and suspending immigration altogether for reassessment. On security, she tied immigration to Islamist extremism, calling for stricter surveillance, deportation of radicalized foreigners, and a ban on religious symbols in public spaces (Chrisafis, 2017). Despite a shift in tone, Le Pen’s 2017 campaign maintained the ideological core of her earlier rhetoric, emphasizing sovereignty, identity, and national protection.
By the 2019 European elections, Le Pen had adjusted her approach, abandoning the push for Frexit and instead proposing the creation of a “European Alliance of Nations” aimed at reforming the EU rather than dismantling it outright(Krasikova, 2021). Her position on the Eurozone also softened: instead of advocating a return to the franc, she now called for monetary policy reforms that would restore national control over the euro and reduce the influence of the European Central Bank (ECB). Criticism of EU institutions remained central, but the tone shifted from rejection to reform, including proposals to replace the European Commission with a restructured General Secretariat under the Council. On immigration, the RN dropped its call to exit the Schengen Area but continued to emphasize the cultural and economic costs of migration. These changes reflect a strategic shift toward electoral pragmatism while preserving the party’s ideological emphasis on sovereignty and national identity(Krasikova, 2021).
By 2022, Le Pen’s Eurosceptic stance remained, but it had significantly changed. She continued to advocate for a “Europe of Nations” that respects national sovereignty, while distancing herself from earlier pro-exit rhetoric. Her platform emphasized strong national preference and the defense of French interests, including opposition to free trade agreements seen as harmful to domestic industries. In an attempt to appear more presidential, she tried to portray herself as a “moderate patriot”. Despite this rebranding, many of her key policy proposals -particularly on economic protectionism, immigration, and welfare- remain fundamentally incompatible with EU law, revealing a program that challenges core EU principles even as it avoids open calls for withdrawal (Rahman, 2022).
Despite adjusting her rhetoric to broaden her appeal and increase her chances of winning the presidency, to this day, Le Pen remains committed to a Eurosceptic worldview. Her core concern continues to be the protection of national sovereignty against what she sees as an overreaching and undemocratic supranational system. As she stated in 2024, “I am deeply Eurosceptic. I am not against Europe, but I consider the way it currently operates to be anti-democratic, anti-national and completely contrary to the sovereignty of nations”(Verdu, 2024). From her speech at the most recent “Patriots of Europe” Summit, it is revealed that she still rejects the idea of European federalism, condemns the EU’s migration policies as ideological and harmful, and accuses its institutions of failing to represent the people, while still advocating for a “Europe of Nations”(Le Pen, 2025). Her current vision reaffirms that while her tone has shifted, the substance of her position remains unchanged.
Conclusion
To conclude, one of the clearest findings from the analysis of Le Pen’s political trajectory is the consistency of her ideological commitment to national sovereignty and the centrality of the nation-state. Throughout her career, Le Pen has presented European integration as a threat to national autonomy and democratic legitimacy. In her early years as party leader, she adopted a stance of hard Euroscepticism, calling for France’s withdrawal from the EU and the Eurozone. However, as her presidential ambitions grew, she recalibrated her approach. The Frexit rhetoric was gradually abandoned in favor of a vision for a reformed EU – one based on voluntary cooperation between sovereign states, or what she terms a “Europe of Nations”.
Article’s Image: https://www.flickr.com/photos/voxespana/54314871070/ Vox España, CC0, via Wikimedia Commons
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